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Argumentation Short Essays Writings

A Brief Note on History and Citation

I found this brief essay today while sorting through old papers. I don’t remember writing it save in the vaguest possible way, but it announces its context well enough. The dates suggest I wrote it early on at UHD in 2009 or 2010.

I definitely reference that Asimov essay a lot; I wish I didn’t have to.

There’s an interesting exchange in the latest issue of RSQ (Rhetoric Society Quarterly) between LuMing Mao and Scott Stroud on how to conduct the enterprise of comparative rhetoric. I don’t think either one articulates the problem – which is historiographical in nature – well enough, so I’ll take a stab at it while it’s fresh in my mind.

Mao’s essay is in response to Stroud’s “Pragmatism and the Methodology of Comparative Rhetoric” in the Fall 2009 RSQ. As far as I can tell, he charges Stroud with creating a false dichotomy between “descriptive” or “historical” comparative rhetoric, where the main goal is to accurately describe and contextualize texts, and an “appropriative” or “reconstructive” approach where the texts are used primarily as fodder for contemporary theorizing. Mao opines these two approaches blend together dialogically; you can’t objectively do descriptive work without contemporary bias, and the text itself tends to restrict the limits of reconstruction. My apologies to Mao if this is oversimplified.

Stroud replies to Mao first by restating his arguments: 1) CR assumes a descriptive approach is best; 2) CR should allow both descriptive and reconstruction; 3) “there is no sense of accuracy above and beyond the general criterion of ‘usefulness’ relative to some contingent purpose.” He then charges Mao with further failing to define what “accuracy” or “responsibility” means in the textual criticism of CR, and notes that Mao’s objections themselves have a consistent descriptive bias. Over this apparent confusion, he prefers a “pragmatist” approach that eschews fealty to the text and champions using it for contemporary problems as well as increased attention to important texts. He repeatedly uses Pound’s Tang dynasty translations as an example of a pragmatist approach. He is less concerned with his research being “right” than being “useful: “I think this sort of pragmatic pluralism is much more flexible and non-exclusionary than relying heavily on vague notions of ‘responsibility’ and a ‘proper’ purpose animating work in CR” (74). Apologies, again, if this is oversimplified, particularly in the cultural sensitivity area.

Reading these two pieces reminds me of a problem that I heard Mike Leff once call “chasing the ur-text” – namely, a desire to determine more accurate versions of an ancient text can overshadow the usefulness of the text as received for provoking thought and addressing contemporary concerns. The particular text in question was Aristotle’s Rhetoric, but the problem also exists with any text for which we lack a great deal of original context or a solid philological footing.

My response to these ideas is twofold.

First, the problem here is not description vs. reconstruction. That’s a pointless debate. Mao is right about that. The problem as I see it, though, is a matter of ethical citation. If you are to cite a text as an authority in some fashion, there is an ethical charge to do so in a matter that is as less wrong as possible.

By “less wrong,” I refer to Isaac Asimov’s famous essay, “The Relativity of Wrong,” where he notes that the purpose of scientific inquiry is not to determine truth or to prove anything, but to, quite simply, be less wrong than previous solutions to a given problem. His central example is the curvature of the earth, once thought to be 0 (flat); early estimates of a spherical earth rendered a value of .000126 (the flat-earthers were “right” to three decimal places!); later accounts narrowed the value even further, and Asimov predicted that future measurements would get even closer to the “correct” value without ever quite getting to it. Perhaps, even, the very concept of curvature would have to be revised.

That said, Stroud’s unconcern with “accuracy” to the text is somewhat ironic, as he charges Lao with misrepresenting his article’s argument, particularly his lit review of CR. It seems to me if he is really committed to pragmatism, he shouldn’t care, and should even applaud Lao for using his article for his own “useful” purposes. The problem with that, though, is that Stroud never really defines what “useful” is. Useful how? Useful to whom? How is “usefulness” measured? I suspect this term is no less slippery than Lao’s “accuracy.”

However, Stroud is on to something when he says Lao’s real concern is “moral” (71); he then charges Mao with failing to define what “responsibility” to the text is. I think Stroud is right, but his deconstruction of Mao’s position is somewhat unfair as it skips past a central debate/special topic of historiography: namely, the ethics inherent in writing history. Generally speaking, as Mao notes, separating “historical” from “reconstruction” ignores what history is; the telling of stories by humans. Implicit within that definition is the question of citation. History is myth without citation; it is only when we can attach texts to other texts and archeological evidence that they become history, which is itself a inherently biased account of other biased accounts. Citation is the only glue that keeps this mess together, and it is often not a particularly strong bond if applied poorly.

The pragmatist, then, without a sense of citation, is a teller of myths, not a scholar; they may indeed solve contemporary problems, but their solutions can’t be ethically cited and are thus ungrounded historically. The objection, then, becomes a question of false ethos; a pragmatist gets to put on a historian’s ethical cloak because he or she works with ancient texts, but they reject the very framework of that ethics. One can’t claim, ethically, to be an expert on, say, Erasmus, without being intimately familiar with his historical context, language, source critical issues, etc. If one simply “uses” Erasmus, then you are not an expert on Erasmus – you’re an expert on using Erasmus.

There is “something” to a text that remains after we subtract our situational bias. It is not a reflection of Plato’s forms, but it is something. Respect of this nebulous something is the cornerstone of interpretation. That “something,” in fact, is the only thing what allows us to judge either or not an interpretation is “less wrong” than another. The text allows multiple interpretations and uses, but it also constrains us. Apologies to Umberto Eco, who I am paraphrasing badly from memory – and yet, there is something there.

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Argumentation Politics Short Essays Writings

Cancel Culture vs. Fence Pissing

For the sake of argument, let’s say something called “cancel culture” exists as a 21st-century specific example of collective, reactionary shunning of an undesirable person or viewpoint, perpetuated by leftists, and primarily preying on right-of-center viewpoints.

Such behavior would be nothing new. Every culture is constantly trying to push its adherents to conform, and wielding its own specialized form of ostracism to enforce this conformity.

But if this “cancel culture” is reactionary, what is it reacting to? Isn’t being reactionary the traditional tactic (and duty) of conservatives who are, by definition, trying to “conserve” a unitary culture?

I would suggest here that “cancel culture,” is a reaction to an argumentative tactic for which I have yet to see a clear definition. For the lack of a better term, let’s call this tactic, to which “cancel culture” is a reaction, something appropriate to its nature: fence pissing.

Two examples may suffice. Please note that I am not attempting to describe “troll” or “wedge issue” or their many variants. This is something different.

Example 1:

Imagine you own a piece of property. Lucky you, right, in this day and age? You share a boundary with a neighbor. This boundary is marked by a physical fence. The fence doesn’t actually stop anyone from crossing; it serve chiefly as a marker and a reminder of the legal status of the two plots. This side is mine, that side is yours. You do your business there, I do my business here. A social-capitalist boundary. All is good.

Until one day you wake up, survey your domain, and note that the fence is soaked in piss. It stinks awful as it’s so saturated. The fence itself is largely ruined. Perhaps you could wait for the sun to dry it out. You tell your neighbor about this, knowing all the while that they pissed on the fence, and they smirk and only agree to help replace the fence if the fence is re-positioned a little further onto your property. After all, they argue, that’s where it should have been in the first place, and perhaps even claiming that the new proposed position reflects where it was originally.

Without much choice, you agree and the fence is replaced, and you have slightly less land than before.

The next day you wake up and the fence is soaked in piss again.

Example 2:

Let’s say “Steve” is prejudiced against transgendered people, and motivated to do something about it rather than keep such thoughts to himself. The reason for this prejudice is irrelevant. More important for this example is that Steve knows quite well that he cannot say his opinion about transgendered people aloud in most settings without negative consequences. He feels hemmed in and constricted. How dare society muzzle him? Whatever happened to freedom?

Steve notes, however, that there is a peripheral way to act on his prejudice that is far more socially acceptable; he can wax at length about how transgender athletes should not compete in women’s sports. This doesn’t attract as much ire because he can frame his objection through notions of fair play and equity for women, which are also legally protected and offer a strong counterargument. He can also gain allies for this argument that he would not have gained if he simply stated he doesn’t like transgendered people. Steve doesn’t really give a damn about the specific issue he’s chosen; it’s primarily a way for him to express his prejudice without much risk to himself and make life a little more difficult for those he dislikes – not just transgendered people, but the people who support them as people with rights like all others.

Note that everyone who expresses concern about transgendered athletes having an unfair sporting advantage does not necessarily share such a deep-seated bias; rather, I’m saying that the peripheral issue allows Steve a relatively safe outlet to express his prejudice as his bias is cloaked by the presence of those focused on the competitive aspects, who, again, may not be fully aware of the beliefs and motivations of their apparent allies such as Steve.

I’ve called the issue of transgender athletes a “peripheral” one because it sits at the boundary (or “periphery,” around the edge, much like, say, “cough” a fence) of more centralized and difficult issues of sex and gender; namely, what is a “man” and “woman,” who gets (or is allowed) to be called a “man” and “woman,” and what benefits, responsibilities, and complications are respectively attached to these concepts. Sport competition is important, but it’s only one way that those core issues manifest.

But Steve doesn’t want to participate in any core debate. For him, there is nothing to debate or discuss. So he pisses on the fence itself, the social boundary where differences are negotiated and society itself is held together. If anyone confronts him on what he’s doing, he cries foul, notes that the fence is technically intact, and he is a strong support of rights of women, even, and refuses to compromise unless he gains something from the exchange. For him, any rules of discourse are for fools, and a poisoned debate is an advantage.

But. What if. Back to Example 1.

Let’s say you choose to ignore Steve the fence-pisser instead of playing their loaded game. The fence, albeit rather smelly and damp, remains in place. The sun begins to do its important work.

Impatient with the lack of progress and attention, Steve makes a selfie of themselves pissing on the fence and posts it to social media. Or the new media equivalent. Perhaps he dumps a truck full of manure on the property line. Use your vivid imagination.

Other fence-pissers are suitably impressed. This is now pretty close to classic “troll” behavior. People with social investments in intact fences are outraged. Collective shame is applied, as no one with a good fence wants it ruined; to allow such behavior to go without comment is unthinkable. If an apology is extracted, fence owners rejoice. If it is declined, fence-pissers are emboldened to piss further.

Cancel culture, then, would be a reaction borne not of encroaching new ideas, but a defense of a preexisting boundary in the face of trolling.

Or is it? What if it’s the other way around?

What if the “left” is actually the side engaged in fence-pissing behaviors, pushing all sorts of newfangled ideas like the normalization of transgendered rights, and the right is… umm… cancelling…

Yep.

In any heated rhetorical dispute, either of these two tactics may be in use by any given side. They aren’t new 21st-century things, but behaviors that would arise in any complex community where people live close together and share some basic assumptions about acceptable behavior. The common denominator is the fence, the boundary area, the periphery where the struggle for meaning takes place. We’ve seen this play out many times before. Fence pissing is therefore a tactical maneuver to push the acceptable spectrum of opinion on an issue, sometimes referred to as the Overton Window, in a desired direction. However, it is an innately destructive maneuver, as it corrupts the nature of the boundary itself that could otherwise be changed peacefully through respectful negotiation. It makes the use of a given logical fallacy look halfway respectable.

Ideally, a careful dialectic would be the only behavior that takes place at the fence; two neighbors, talking with respect, keeping in mind that the legal boundary between their lands has always been a fiction, and making sure their zippers are firmly closed.

But if the opening gambit is to piss on the fence, to destroy the very arena of meaning for a momentary advantage, standing there and insisting on respectful dialectic is a tough sell. This has always been the weakness of systems of rhetoric and dialectic that insist on rules of conduct – anyone willing to break them has an advantage.

Think about your options for response to a soaked fence. The structure of society itself, perhaps, has been defiled. No one wants to stand there and be disrespected. That only leads to more of the same. A strong “fight” reaction seems appropriate. But the reaction is what the fence pisser wants. Attention and respect and a chance to move the fence. They are not building a fence, or planting a field, or raising a child. All they have to offer to society is a stream of urine.

The smart move is, if you can afford it, silence.

But maybe we can’t always wait for the sun to do its disinfectant work.

In some situations, maybe even more, a silent treatment reaction to fence-pissing is not enough, especially if shame has no effect.

A stronger reaction is needed. You pissed on my fence? Oh, look, your barn seems to be on fire. Try pissing on that. Conflict resolution via the Chicago way, as Sean Connery once put it.

Thus he effective strategy against fence-pissing is about the same as the winning strategy against a bully. Disregard if you can; fight like hell if you cannot. This principle scales up well. Ukraine is giving a class to the entire world on how the second option works, after years of Putin fence-pissing.

I’ll admit “cancel culture” as a term still has a bit of that new-car smell, but once that wears off, there’s a more familiar odor. That said, either side of “fence pissing” and “cancel culture” don’t neatly fit into the rhetorical systems I’ve seen, which tend to concentrate on fallacies, emotional appeals, and scapegoating when they do discuss “bad” rhetoric, if at all.

Categories
Argumentation Politics Short Essays Writings

The Authoritarian Mirage

Oh no! The Atlantic has revealed there are undiscovered authoritarians on the left! Hide the children!

I read bad studies all the time, but this one is particularly bad. Witness:

Costello and his colleagues started fresh. They developed what eventually became a list of 39 statements capturing sentiments such as “We need to replace the established order by any means necessary” and “I should have the right not to be exposed to offensive views.” Subjects were asked to score the statements on a scale of 1 to 7. They showed a trait that the researchers described as “anti-hierarchical aggression” by agreeing strongly that “If I could remake society, I would put people who currently have the most privilege at the bottom.” By agreeing with statements such as “Getting rid of inequality is more important than protecting the so-called ‘right’ to free speech,” they showed an attitude called “top-down censorship.” And they showed what the research team called “anti-conventionalism” by endorsing statements such as “I cannot imagine myself becoming friends with a political conservative.”

Let’s go slowly here. Packing this much nonsense into a single paragraph requires the argumentative equivalent of swamp waders.

So. If I “agree strongly” with “If I could remake society, I would put people who currently have the most privilege at the bottom,” am I “authoritarian”? Well, that would depend on a few assumptions:

  1. Is the opposite response on this scale, the “disagree strongly,” considered to be an expression of declining to remake society at all, or is it an expression of keeping people with the “most privilege” exactly where they are? Yes, those are two very different decisions, even though in certain interpretations they might lead to a similar result.   
  2. But on a related note, is the middle of the 7-point scale here an expression of moving some people with “moderate privilege” to the bottom? Or to the top? Or is that a neutral “take no action” position, and the “disagree strongly” is to make the least privileged even less so? Hard to say, and again, too open to interpretation to garner a useful response. Are the respondents actually reading the question this closely?
  3. Likewise, would the respondents have picked “agree strongly” to the question “I would destroy the freedom of speech if I could get rid of inequality”? Put that way…
  4. If I “agree strongly,” does that mean I am serious enough to enact the said policy for “reals” in the zero chance that I would ever have the power to “remake society”?

Note that after point 4, if this was Law & Order, this is where I would add, “Withdrawn, nothing further.”

So it seems any response to this question could be considered “authoritarian.” Strip privilege away from the powerful and you’re “authoritarian.” Decline to change society, and you’ve reinforced the current hierarchy – but what could be more “authoritarian” than supporting a preexisting hierarchy? Split the difference and you’re both supporting a hierarchy and undercutting it by doing nothing…. it’s almost as if we’ve got a socioeconomic Catch-22 here that reflects a sharp critique of capitalism… good job, AEI! I think y’all might be actually “leftist” and not know it. Perhaps I should set up a study to show that there are secret Marxists in the right. The standards for method are pretty loose these days…

You are also “authoritarian” and a supporter of “top-down censorship” if you “agree strongly” with “Getting rid of inequality is more important than protecting the so-called ‘right’ to free speech.” But this question only asks the respondent rank two values, not toss out the other. A belief that getting rid of inequality is not inherently “authoritarian” – in fact, I don’t think a single human being alive that is really concerned about inequality would also throw out free speech with the bathwater, as it’s kinda necessary to address inequality. Anyone can believe in both. But even with a Likert scale, the 4 is not a clear expression of a balanced position. Each point of the scale would need to be carefully teased out in a nuanced description, as in a pinch, I might have clicked “agree strongly” myself when my actual position is in the middle. This question, like many on these kinds of silly tests, pretends to address ethical dilemmas where values must be balanced against each other by pushing the respondents (who probably do not have a doctoral degree in political science) to take an extreme position that they may not actually have or ever act upon if they even did. Questions that pit free speech and equality against each other cannot be reduced to a linear scale. This isn’t a new problem with Likert, of course.

Finally, it’s “anti-conventionalism” to “agree strongly” with “I cannot imagine myself becoming friends with a political conservative.” So unless you can imagine yourself friends with a political conservative, you’re an authoritarian? I wonder how that would make for an icebreaker. “Be friends with me, or you’re an authoritarian!”

But there are two more serious problems with these results than the loaded questions. Those are just symptoms.

One, the responses are self-reported and completely untrustworthy. Someone who chooses “agree strongly” on all three questions is quite likely to violate their positions within the day, because there are no consequences for doing so, and no reward for being consistent.

The second is the most obvious problem – the author is an American Enterprise Institute affiliate, and the study, by virtue of its loaded questions and goofy analysis, is just attempting to smear some of the accumulated fascist mud off of conservative thought onto the nebulous left, as any “left” position can now be automagically rendered “authoritarian.” Cue the Onion: “Rotten Apples In Every Bunch, Claims Horde of Shambling Apples, All Rotten.”

If anything goes, by questioning the method of the study, I am clearly “authoritarian.” I find this unlikely, though, as I already spend too much effort making the trains run on time in Italy to be railroaded into a specific political station in life.